The Democracy Index 2024 has shone a torch in the state of democracy in Uganda and made damning conclusions. The Index is a tool that reportedly measures the state of democracy and freedom in countries of the world.
It is produced by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), the research and analysis division of the Economist Group, headquartered in London, England.
The Index takes a broad view of democracy from different dimensions: electoral (free and fair elections), liberal (civil rights and protection from the state), participatory (citizens engage in elections), deliberative (citizens engage in civil society and public discourse), and effective (governments can act on citizens’ behalf).
In the 2024 score, Uganda is at 4.49 on a scale of 1 to 10; next door Kenya is at 5.05, Tanzania is at 5.2 while Ghana is at 6.24, Nigeria at 4.16, Rwanda at 3.34, Palestine at 3.44, South Africa at 7.16 and USA at 7.85. The United Kingdom (UK) is at 8.34, Japan at 8.48 while Norway leads at 9.81.
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Thirty three countries including Antigua, The Bahamas, Brunei, Tonga, South Sudan, Puerto Rico, Seychelles and Somalia had “no data” on them. Of those with data, North Korea, Myanmar and Afghanistan are the lowest ranked.
Back to Uganda: ranked at 4.49, it means that Uganda is average in democracy as by the assessment of the team behind the research whose methodology I am still reviewing.
In the breakdown of the data, the team states that elections in Uganda are neither free nor fair and that the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) often employs underhand methods in order to retain power.
They also state that whereas the law allows for the registration of political parties, “restrictive registration requirements and candidate eligibility rules, limited media coverage, and violent harassment by state authorities and paramilitary groups hinder opposition parties’ ability to compete in practice”. It also says that the “Electoral Commission is mistrusted and has repeatedly been accused of favouring the NRM, whether through fraud or voter disenfranchisement”.
The index also accused President Museveni and NRM of using “unorthodox” methods to hold onto power, including patronage, intimidation, and politicised prosecutions of opposition leaders and that Uganda’s civil society and media sectors face legal and extra-legal harassment and state violence.
The index adds that power is concentrated in the hands of Mr Museveni and the military, adding that there is very little consultation before key policies are passed, and that the government uses underhand methods- inducement, harassment, and intimidation-to ensure that parliament passes certain legislation.
These conclusions were brought to my attention by a journalist who wanted my response on the allegations.
From the onset, without a doubt, such assessments contribute something to raising awareness on governance issues in the world and the pace of adoption of best practices in prevailing circumstances. Democracy is an integrity test on how citizens are governed and their level of participation. However, there is no single organisation or “company” that can give a better assessment than Ugandans themselves. If democracy anywhere is faltering, it is the citizens who determine the trends and the party or candidates that best satisfy their interests.
Moreover, these indexes tend to be biased and inconsiderate of the individual circumstances of countries and their histories. For example, what does one expect from Somalia ravaged by decades of war and terrorism? Countries like Norway and the USA have been stable across generations.
But these conclusions are not new and they are typical of propaganda linked to the opposition to an extent that one would be excused for believing that they were drafted at Katonga (PFF headquarters), Najjanankumbi (FDC headquarters) or Kavule (NUP headquarters). And they have been debunked over and over. Why is it that elections in Uganda are considered free and fair when opposition wins but if NRM wins then they are not free or fair? This is selfish thinking. Where there is any unfairness, courts are there to arbitrate. But again when the courts rule in favour of the opposition, that’s when they are considered independent. The rapporteurs ought to be fair and independent, and speak to all sides before publishing their Indexes for better balance, otherwise the reports are “undemocratic” in themselves.
Uganda’s political space is fully competitive. NRM competes with other parties for the people’s mandate. At times it wins and at others it loses. Opposition is represented in Parliament and the Local Councils, including being the “Government in Kampala”, the capital city where it won all MP seats, Lord Mayorship and at lower levels in the various divisions. In March, the opposition NUP won the byelections in Kawempe North, replacing the late Muhammad Ssegirinya with Erais Nalukoola Luyimbazi. NRM competed with Faridah Nambi as its candidate but she lost-and petitioned the courts, which agreed with her on certain grounds. Wouldn’t NRM apply its underhand methods to win all positions and not have to go to court?
At the presidency, President Museveni has consistently won the popular vote since 1996, when he was first elected. His NRM always has the largest membership of any party. Currently, it has an estimated 18million members. No other party commands such numerical strength. This is organic support even before campaigns.
Opposition tends to be weak, divided and with no policy ideas to win over Ugandans. They only talk of removing Museveni from power, specialising in writing cables abroad to gossip about him. When he defeats them, they demonise the same process through which their own candidates win elections. The Index team should consider such facts in reaching conclusions because its “current” facts are obsolete if not of a fictitious “Uganda”.
Some opposition groups are violent and sworn to cause insurrection. They resort to forcefulness and sabotage, and when stopped they claim harassment by the security agencies. They freely breach laws of the land but nobody questions them. Should we expect another report raising these transgressions or accusations are only directed at NRM (Government).
In Parliament, what are those underhand methods applied by the Executive as alleged? The Legislature is a place of exchange of ideas, where the different sides deliberate to influence House business (Bills and policies). The better side carries the day.
2026 is here. The opposition should mobilise to catch up with NRM which has already laid firm ground with highly competitive internal party elections. Demonising Uganda’s democratic gains abroad doesn’t alter the perception of majority Ugandans or hand anyone victory on a silver platter.
Faruk Kirunda is the Special Presidential Assistant-Press & Mobilisation/Deputy Spokesperson
Email: faruk.kirunda@statehouse.go.ug
0776980486/0783990861
